Turkey is engulfed in its most significant wave of anti-government protests in over a decade, triggered by the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu on March 19, 2025.
The popular opposition figure from the Republican People’s Party (CHP), widely seen as President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s most formidable rival, was detained in a pre-dawn raid on charges of corruption and alleged ties to terrorism.
Tens of thousands of demonstrators have flooded the streets of Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, and beyond, defying government bans on gatherings and clashing with riot police wielding pepper spray, rubber bullets, and water cannons.
As of today, the unrest shows no signs of abating, with Imamoglu now jailed pending trial and his supporters decrying what they call a politically motivated crackdown.
Why are anti-Erdogan protests escalating across Turkey?
The immediate spark for the protests was Imamoglu’s arrest, which came days before he was set to be confirmed as the CHP’s presidential candidate for the 2028 election.
Elected mayor of Istanbul in 2019 and re-elected in 2024, the 54-year-old has long been a thorn in Erdogan’s side, ending the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) 25-year grip on Turkey’s largest city.
His detention on charges of embezzlement, corruption, and aiding the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) has been widely condemned as a preemptive strike to derail his political ascent.
“This is a complete extrajudicial execution,” Imamoglu posted on X on March 23, calling it a “betrayal against Turkey” and urging mass demonstrations.
The protests escalated rapidly.
On March 23, a Turkish court formally ordered Imamoglu jailed pending trial, stripping him of his mayoral title and sending him to Silivri prison.
That night, hundreds of thousands rallied outside Istanbul’s city hall, waving Turkish flags and chanting anti-Erdogan slogans like “Dictator resign!” and “We will make Ekrem president!”
Riot police responded with force, deploying tear gas and percussion grenades. By Saturday night, authorities had detained 323 people nationwide, according to Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya.
Despite a ban on gatherings in Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir—extended through March 26—the demonstrations have spread to over a dozen cities.
Critics see this as Erdogan tightening his grip ahead of 2028.
“Imamoglu’s arrest is a blatant attempt to decapitate the opposition,” says Dr. Soner Cagaptay, director of the Turkish Research Program at the Washington Institute.
“Erdogan knows he faces a real challenge from a charismatic, younger leader who’s already beaten him in Istanbul.”
His arrest, alongside six other CHP mayors in greater Istanbul, has galvanised the party’s base and beyond, with 15 million voters—members and non-members alike—casting symbolic ballots on March 23 to endorse him as their candidate.
A historical thread of repression
Turkey’s current unrest echoes a pattern of political suppression under Erdogan’s 22-year rule.
The 2013 Gezi Park protests, the last major anti-government uprising, saw millions rally against his authoritarian turn, only to be met with brutal crackdowns.
That movement, sparked by plans to raze an Istanbul park, swelled into a broader cry against censorship and cronyism, leaving 8 civilians and 2 police officers dead and thousands injured.
Since then, Erdogan has consolidated power through purges following the 2016 coup attempt, jailing tens of thousands—journalists, academics, and Kurdish politicians among them—and dismantling judicial independence.
Imamoglu’s rise mirrors past opposition hopes crushed by Erdogan’s machine.
In 2019, his initial mayoral win was annulled by the government, only for him to triumph again in a re-run by nearly 10 points—a humiliating blow to the AKP.
“Istanbul is Erdogan’s political cradle,” notes Dr. Jenny White, a Turkey expert at Stockholm University. “Losing it to Imamoglu wasn’t just a defeat; it was personal.”
The mayor’s subsequent governance—tackling infrastructure, poverty, and transparency—earned him a national following, positioning him as the anti-Erdogan: secular, pragmatic, and untainted by the AKP’s Islamist roots.
Historical parallels extend to Erdogan’s own ascent.
As Istanbul’s mayor from 1994 to 1998, he built a populist base that propelled him to national power.
Now, he appears determined to prevent Imamoglu from following the same path.
“Erdogan sees in Imamoglu what he once was—a mayor who could leverage Istanbul into a presidency,” White adds. “But he’s not about to let history repeat itself.”
Political motivations under scrutiny
The charges against Imamoglu—corruption tied to municipal contracts and terrorism links to the PKK—lack public evidence, fueling claims of political engineering.
The timing, just before the CHP primary, and the scale of the operation, involving over 100 detentions, suggest a coordinated effort.
The government denies this, with Erdogan accusing the CHP of shielding “municipal robbers blinded by money” in a March 22 speech.
Yet, the Metropolitan Police’s Counter-Terrorism Command leading the probe has raised eyebrows, given no direct sabotage evidence exists, per their own statement.
“This isn’t about corruption; it’s about 2028,” argues Dr. Howard Eissenstat, a Turkey specialist at St. Lawrence University.
“Erdogan’s AKP is weaker than ever after last year’s municipal losses. Imamoglu’s arrest is a preemptive strike to kneecap the opposition’s momentum.”
The CHP calls it a “coup attempt against the next president,” a sentiment echoed by protesters and international observers.
France’s Foreign Ministry labeled it a “serious attack on democracy,” while Germany condemned the detention outright.
Historical context bolsters this view.
Turkey’s judiciary, once a check on power, has been hollowed out since 2016, with judges loyal to Erdogan dominating courts.
The arrest of Selahattin Demirtas, a Kurdish leader and 2018 presidential contender, on dubious terrorism charges set a precedent.
“Imamoglu’s case fits a playbook: neutralize rivals with vague accusations, then let a pliant judiciary finish the job,” Eissenstat says.
Demirtas and Imamoglu are not the only political figures behind bars.
Turkey’s nationalist Victory Party leader, Umit Ozdag, was also detained earlier this year. He was initially arrested for allegedly insulting President Erdogan, stating, “Even the crusades had not done as much damage to Turkey as Erdogan has.”
While he was released from custody from charges of insulting the president, he was later charged with “inciting hatred and hostility among the public” following his harsh remarks on the Syrian refugees in the country.
Both Ozgur Ozel, the leader of CHP, and now arrested Istanbul Mayor Imamoglu protested against Ozdag’s arrest, stating that the decision is detrimental to justice, democracy, and judicial independence.
Economic tremors amid chaos
Turkey’s economy, already reeling from inflation and currency woes, is taking a hit.
The Turkish lira plummeted 8% against the dollar on March 21, closing at a record low, while the BIST 100 index dropped nearly 8% by Friday, per Bloomberg data.
“The arrest has spooked markets,” says Dr. Selim Sazak, an economist at Bilkent University.
“Investors were already jittery about political stability; this confirms their worst fears.”
Inflation, hovering at 60% annually, and a $200 billion foreign debt burden amplify the worries.
The protests have disrupted commerce in Istanbul, Turkey’s economic hub, which accounts for a third of the national GDP.
Retail and tourism, key sectors of the city’s economy, are facing losses as streets remain empty and travelers cancel their plans.
“We’re looking at a $500 million hit this week alone,” Sazak estimates, citing disrupted supply chains and consumer confidence.
Small businesses near protest zones report 50% revenue drops, per local media.
Erdogan’s economic record—once a strength—has frayed. His unorthodox policies, like slashing interest rates despite inflation, have eroded trust.
“This unrest could tip an already fragile economy into recession,” warns Dr. Ziya Meral, a senior associate at the Royal United Services Institute.
“Foreign investors won’t touch Turkey if it’s a political powder keg.” The lira’s slide risks a feedback loop: higher import costs, soaring prices, and more public discontent.
Voices from the ground and beyond
Protesters reflect a cross-section of Turkish society—students, workers, retirees—united by frustration.
Mehmet Karatas, a demonstrator outside Istanbul’s courthouse, told Reuters, “Imamoglu is Erdogan’s nightmare. We’ll make him president.”
Dilek Kaya Imamoglu, the mayor’s wife, addressed crowds on March 23, saying, “The injustice Ekrem faced struck every conscience.”
Her words underscore a broader awakening, as opposition leaders call it a “fight for democracy.”
The US has remained muted, though President Donald Trump reportedly spoke with Erdogan days before the arrest, per The Guardian.
The EU, a key trade partner, faces a dilemma: criticize too harshly, and Turkey could pivot further from NATO.
“Europe’s leverage is limited,” Meral notes. “Erdogan thrives on external pressure to rally his base.”
“Being called extremists just for exercising our constitutional right to protest says it all. For the past two decades, the right to speech and expression have been shrinking. There is a pressing need for stronger international support,” says Idil Woodall, a UK-based Turkish national.
Erdogan doubles down.
“There will be no tolerance for street terror,” he declared on March 22, framing the protests as CHP-orchestrated chaos.
Yet, his base—once unshakeable—shows cracks. The AKP’s 2024 election losses signal waning rural support, and urban unrest now tests his urban firewall.
A nation on the brink
Turkey’s unrest poses existential questions. Can democracy endure under Erdogan’s rule, or is this the start of a new authoritarian era?
Data paints a stark picture: Freedom House ranks Turkey “Not Free,” with a 32/100 score in 2024, down from 66 in 2003 when Erdogan took power.
Press freedom languishes at 157th globally, per Reporters Without Borders, with 90% of media government-aligned.
Imamoglu’s fate is a litmus test. If convicted, he could face years in prison, effectively barring him from the 2028 election.
His legal team plans an appeal, but success hinges on a judiciary critics call captive. “The courts are Erdogan’s tool,” Cagaptay says. “This isn’t about justice—it’s about power.”
Now in their fifth night as of March 23, the protests evoke the spirit of Gezi but face steeper odds.
Erdogan’s security apparatus is more entrenched, and his narrative—casting dissent as terrorism—resonates with loyalists.
Yet, the CHP’s mobilisation, with millions voting in its primary despite the crackdown, signals resilience.
Turkey stands at a precipice. The economic fallout—lira collapse, market chaos—threatens Erdogan’s legitimacy as much as the protests do.
His next move is unclear: escalate repression or concede ground to defuse tensions.
History favours the former; Gezi’s crackdown cemented his playbook. But Imamoglu’s popularity and the scale of unrest challenge that script.
For now, the streets pulse with defiance. “There’s no salvation alone; either all of us together or none of us,” Imamoglu tweeted on March 22.
As tear gas clouds Istanbul’s skyline, Turkey’s future hangs in the balance—between democracy’s flicker and autocracy’s shadow.
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